Note: This entire post is a paraphrase of Calhoun’s work. Direct quotes have been marked as such. Summary Man is a social being and. A Disquisition on Government. By John C. Calhoun In , when President Clinton nominated Lani Guinier, a legal scholar at Harvard, to be the first. A Disquisition on Government [John C. Calhoun, H. Lee Cheek Jr.] on Amazon. com. *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. This volume provides the most.
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That which corrupts and debases the community, politically, must also corrupt and debase it morally.
The concurrent majority, since it would discourage goevrnment by particular interests, would tend to bring the community together. He and the others of this new generation found themselves in a period marked by an increasing degree of uncertainty about the future. Without this there can be no systematic, peaceful, or effective resistance to the natural tendency of each to come into conflict fisquisition the others: All constitutional governments, of whatever class they may be, take the sense of the community by its parts — each through its appropriate organ; and regard the sense of all its parts, as the sense of the whole.
Edwin Hemphill, Robert L.
governmeng It results from the nature of the process, be the taxes ever so equally laid, and the disbursements ever so fairly made, in reference to the public service. Among these, the trial by jury is the most familiar, and on that account, will be selected for illustration. The effect, then, of every increase is, to enrich and strengthen the one, and impoverish and weaken the other.
But the difference in their operation, in this respect, would not end here. The problem-and it was discernible already in Calhoun’s day, to say nothing of our own-is that societies elaborate themselves in time to the point where identifying every significant interest, taking the sense of it, and balancing each against a multitude of disqusition becomes not just impractical, but impossible.
He provides a rigorous analysis of virtually all of the major individuals, events, and documents of the founding and subsequent development of the federal government.
Within the confines of this short, theoretical text, Calhoun offers more than an analysis of the calhonu of constitutional government in America: History of Western Philosophy.
If no disquisitoon interest be strong enough, of itself, to obtain it, a combination will be formed.
Online Library of Liberty
When something must be done — and when it can be done only by the united consent of all — the necessity of the case will force to a compromise — be the cause of that necessity what it may.
Where the majority is that portion, it matters not how its powers may be exercised — whether directly by themselves, or indirectly, through representatives or agents. Calhoun’s two key concepts — the maintenance of the concurrent majority by high-minded statesmen on the one hand; and governmeny inevitable rise of demagogues who undermine consensus on the other — are never reconciled or resolved in the Disquisition.
A Disquisition on Government.
General News Eurasia Review. It follows, also, that government has its origin in this twofold constitution of his nature; the sympathetic or social feelings constituting the remote — and the individual or direct, the proximate cause.
Griffin Trotter – – Journal of Medicine and Philosophy 31 3: All admit, that a popular government, or democracy, is the government of the people; for the terms imply this. James Madison had written in The Federalist Number 51 that, “It is of great importance to a republic, not only to guard the society against the oppression of its rulers, but to guard one part of society against the injustice of the other part.
The concurrent majority, on the other hand, tends to unite the most opposite and conflicting interests, and to blend the whole in one common attachment to the country.
Disqulsition, hence, disquixition would endeavor to defend and enlarge the restrictions, and to limit and contract dixquisition powers.
A Disquisition on Government – Wikipedia
If the rights of the individual constitute the ultimate test of minority rights, how can a concurrent majority system, which vests power in a few, great interests, be an adequate safeguard for the rights of the individual in society? It is, indeed, the negative power which makes the constitution—and the positive which makes the government.
He had an enormous political influence in the period immediately following the founding of the American system. All strife and struggle would cease as to who should be elected to make and execute them.
The first and leading error which naturally arises from overlooking the distinction referred to, is, to confound the numerical majority with the people; and this so completely as to regard them as identical.
For, in such case, it would require so large a portion of the community, compared with the whole, to concur, or acquiesce in the action of the government, that the number to be plundered would be too few, and the number to be aggrandized too many, to afford adequate motives to oppression and the abuse of its powers. When, then, the two parties, in governments of the numerical majority, resort to force, in their struggle for supremacy, he who commands the successful party will have the control of the government itself.
After these have thoroughly debased and corrupted the community, and all the arts and devices of party have been exhausted, the government would vibrate between the two factions for such will parties have become at each successive election.
But the duration, or uncertainty of the tenure, by which power is held, cannot, of itself, counteract the tendency inherent in government to oppression and abuse of power. Charles de Secondat Montesquieu – – Lawbook Exchange. And as this can only be effected by or through the right of johh the right on the part of the ruled to choose their rulers at proper intervals, and to hold them thereby responsible for givernment conduct —the responsibility of the rulers to the ruled, through the right of suffrage, is governmeht indispensable and primary principle in the foundation of a constitutional government.
The same constitution of our nature which leads rulers to oppress the ruled — regardless of the object for dizquisition government is ordained — will, with equal strength, lead the ruled to resist, when possessed of the means of making peaceable and effective resistance.
Power can only be resisted by power—and tendency by tendency. There is another error, not less great and dangerous, usually associated with the one which has just been considered.
This, indeed, diswuisition be carried to such an extent, that one class or portion of the community may be elevated to wealth and power, and the other depressed to abject poverty and dependence, simply by the fiscal action of the government; govermnent this too, through disbursements only—even under a system of equal taxes imposed for revenue only. Written in response to what Calhoun saw as the growing subjugation of the Southern United States by the more populous North, especially in terms of Northern promotion of tariff legislation and opposition to slaverythe page Disquisition promotes the idea of a concurrent majority in order to protect what he disquusition to be the South’s interests.
Five Warnings From Hobbes. Lambton – – Oxford University Press. From what has been said, it is manifest, that this provision must be of a character calculated to prevent any one interest, or combination of interests, from using the powers of government to aggrandize itself at the expense of the others.
Taxation may, indeed, be joh equal, regarded separately from disbursement. The only means by which this result can be prevented are, either to impose such restrictions on the exertions of those who may possess them in a high degree, as will place them on a level with those who do not; or to deprive them of the fruits of their exertions. Such, indeed, is the repugnance between popular governments and force—or, bovernment be more specific—military power—that the almost necessary consequence of a resort to force, by such governments, in order to maintain their authority, is, not only a change of their form, but a change into the most opposite—that of absolute monarchy.
From these three facts, Calhoun then constructs all of his other arguments and theories, including his doctrine of the concurrent majority, which guarantees every significant interest calhon the community a concurrent voice either in the x or in the enforcement of public policy.
But government, although intended to protect and preserve society, has itself a strong tendency to disorder and abuse of its powers, as all experience and almost every page of history testify. This demands the most serious consideration; for of all the questions embraced in the science of government, it involves a principle, the most important, and the least understood; and when understood, the most difficult of application in practice.
It follows, also, that government has its origin in this twofold constitution of his nature; the sympathetic or social feelings constituting the remote—and the individual or direct, the proximate cause. But it is manifest that the right of suffrage, in making these changes, transfers, in reality, the actual control over the government, from those who make and execute the laws, to the body of the community; and, thereby, places the powers of the government as fully in the mass of the community, as they would be if they, in fact, had assembled, made, and executed the laws themselves, without the intervention of representatives or agents.
The ultimate logic of his own doctrine of fovernment, secession, was taken up as a solution by many in the South.